June 5, 2020
One day in the early 1980s, maybe ’82 or ’83, I walked up to the State House in Nashville, Tenn., to interview Governor Lamar Alexander for a free-lance magazine article. The building is an impressive perch, on a high point above the city, and a couple of blocks from St. Mary’s Church, where Sandy and I got married. The church, until 1845, occupied the site of the State House.
Alexander was a Republican star, inaugurated for his first term in January 1979 on a weekend evening to replace the corrupt Democrat Ray Blanton, who had been pardoning prison inmate friends of his political supporters. Alexander became known for walking the length of the state wearing his trademark plaid flannel shirt.
Anyway, the topic was Alexander’s efforts to transform the Tennessee economy by attracting new business, especially auto manufacturing, and to reform state schools, historically among the worst in the nation. He had just scored a huge win in persuading Nissan to build a big plant in Smyrna, just south of Nashville.
In our meeting he was dynamic, full of vision and enthusiasm as he mapped out his plans for improving performance standards for schools and raising teacher pay. He won rave reviews but also stiff resistance from the Legislature. He left office in 1986 still a political giant in the state. He went on to a huge career, serving as president of the University of Tennessee, then Secretary of Education under President George H.W. Bush. He tried running for president in 1996 and 2000 but dropped out early. In 2006 he was elected to the Senate, where he chaired the Senate Republican Committee for five years. In 2015 took over as chair of the Health, Education, Pensions, and Labor Committee.
As a Senator he gained a reputation for cordial, courtly, serious bipartisanship. He announced that he wouldn’t seek reelection to a fourth term in 2020. Then, with the Trump presidency, he faded into the moral fog of the Republican Senate.
Alexander stayed silent during the impeachment hearings, prompting some talking heads to guess he might join two or three other Republicans in voting against Trump. Eventually that amounted to one, Romney. Afterward Alexander, like Collins of Maine and a couple of others offered that Trump’s phone call to Ukraine president Zelensky, in which he twisted the Ukrainian’s arm to dig up dirt on Joe Biden, was “inappropriate,” but not impeachment material. Last week, he released a stock statement condemning looting and burning in Nashville and called for “redoubling our efforts” to end racial discrimination. He then moved on to a message of sympathy for the death of a long-ago Tennessee football coach.
Lamar Alexander will pass from the Senate, like 99 percent of his current Republican colleagues, as a devout party apparachnik, remembered, like the rest, for brushing away any sense of integrity in order to pay homage to party over country and Constitution. All but Romney have been mute in the face of the pustule of scandal that has swollen around them for three years at the far end of Pennsylvania Avenue, and now infects them with the nauseating aroma of complicity.
Setting aside the ghastly wound already inflicted on America by the coronavirus, abetted by presidential indifference, with deaths still soaring and unemployment at double-digit levels, the political and moral crisis of today becomes the Republican legacy. While the 53 senators who compose the majority may boast, in their earlier lives, of governorships, achievements in state legislatures, law degrees, and business successes, their careers already are stained with three years of cowardice in the face of Trump. Then too, Jeff Flake of Arizona and Bob Corker of Tennessee, who both stepped up occasionally to object mildly to this or that Trump act, chose to retreat to retirement rather than face their presumably outraged constituents.
Corker’s abdication opened the door to another Trump acolyte, Marsha Blackburn, who during her campaign threatened Tennessee voters with invasion by Hispanic immigrants and Middle Eastern terrorists if they voted for her Democratic opponent.
I wrote a while back, pre-pandemic, that Republican senators live in fear of a Trump tweet. That fear has metastasized to an abject, boots-shaking paranoia that some of their voters might be incensed by any show of courage in dealing with Trump. Those are the voters who somehow still believe that the moral desert of a failed real estate salesman’s character that drives his avalanches of lies; his treason in fawning over America’s enemies; his cowardice when called to serve in the military; and his perverse behavior with women—does not disqualify him from occupying the Oval Office.
Meanwhile, in Tennessee, Alexander’s current successor as governor, Bill Lee, last July signed a proclamation for a day honoring Nathan Bedford Forrest, a native Tennessean, Confederate general, and first grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. Facing criticism, he said he signed it because he was required to by law. In March the state House passed a law ending the tradition, and Lee has asked the Senate to do so as well. Progress comes in small measures, in the Volunteer State, and everywhere.
We walked the field slowly. The First Battle took place on July 21, 1861. July 21 also is Sandy’s birthday. I said I doubted her parents, in Deep South Tennessee, noticed that when they welcomed her into the world, although the historical consensus is that the battle was a rebel victory. So was the second battle in the same vicinity about a year later.
Eventually, Union troops retreated towards Washington in a disorganized mass over roads clogged by civilians who came to watch, expecting an easy Union victory. Casualties were light at First Manassas, fewer than 2,000 dead and wounded for each side—compared to the butchery yet ahead.
We took the kids hiking in the park, letting them explore and throw stones in South Fork Creek. We tramped stretches of the North Valley and South Valley trails. I think we still have pictures. Four years ago our son, daughter-in-law, daughter, and son-in-law came home. We drove to the park and walked the Birch Bluff trail. Our daughter carried our first grandson in a kind of backpack. The younger boy had not shown up yet. Now both kids are hiking in South Carolina.
To relieve the headache of thinking like this, we can look at the world around us and the books we sometimes read. Greenwood’s and Grann’s books, to name just two, are stories of evil. But their descriptions of evil acts, like the evil we know of ourselves, never is sustained. In time evil acts are overcome. What we perceive as evil, because ultimately it is unreal, may persist through years, decades, centuries, but never triumphs.
Sitting in from of an easel is exhausting. Getting images and color right is like a long hard run without moving a muscle. I’m trying show the world I see, that everyone sees. We can argue with each other about politics, comfortable in our prejudices. We can’t argue about the appearance of the world around us. Nature is nature.