January 12, 2026
Maps and airlines call it Ho Chi Minh City, but to the locals it is still Saigon, or Sai Gon, the once-legendary capital of South Vietnam, which once was a country. Today it’s a giant metropolis of some 14 million, but second city to Hanoi, capital of unified Vietnam.
Since April 1975 Vietnam has been a Communist country, and Saigon leaves no room for illusions. The red-star flag and iconic hammer-and-sickle insignia are everywhere, usually decorating portraits of Vietnam’s George Washington, the grandfatherly-looking Ho. The legend on your visa reminds you you’ve entered the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.

Whatever that brand of communism or socialism, it doesn’t discourage a hyped-up entrepreneurial economy. Thousands of Saigon’s citizens at any hour are piloting motorscooters on some business or other, navigating expertly among fleets of Toyotas, Hyundai, Kia sedans and minivans. The city counts something like 9 million scooters. It seems there is no actual rush hour because it’s every hour. Many haul passengers, some children or animals. I saw one fitted with a cage of four dogs. The guidance for pedestrians is “don’t try to avoid them, they’ll avoid you.”
The center city, laid out in a sort of grid from Tan Son Nhut airport, is pure, unadulterated free enterprise. Furniture stores that lay their merchandise out on the sidewalks, cafes, coffee bars, department stores, shops of every kind, blare their names on giant boldface signs that rise from ground floor to high-rise level. The city streets pulse with business energy. Saigon has attracted a huge corporate presence, operating out of hundreds of shiny downtown skyscrapers that gorgeously light the night sky.

All the excitement doesn’t conceal a central truth: Saigon is a city in recovery, going on now for fifty years, since the last American helicopters and transport aircraft flew out with the last escapees. At the end of that infamous April the U.S. troops were gone except for embassy personnel who stayed till the end. Thousands of Vietnamese military, civilian U.S. government employees, Vietnamese government staff, and their friends and family members, also got out. Those who did not faced the vengeance of the North.
The government ensures no one forgets. In the center of town an elaborate memorial honors Thich Quang Durc, a Buddhist monk who immolated himself on June 11, 1963 to protest the South Vietnam government’s war against rural people. The former presidential palace was renamed the Reunification Palace. The grounds preserve the North Vietnamese army tank that crashed through the palace gates on April 30, 1975.

Americans may recall the Vietnam war. To the government here it’s the American war. If a tenet of Communist rule is keep the people loyal by preaching some powerfully emotive, unifying cause, the truths of the war, by whatever name, works. The Museum of War Remembrance, just blocks from the palace, supplies the proofs in spades of the insanity of the U.S.’s Southeast Asian tragedy. The two-story space tells the story of the Ho Chi Minh trail through jungles and swamps, traveled by Viet Cong volunteers and ordinary civilians to deliver munitions and supplies. They carried them on their backs, on pack animals, and in false-bottom boats to outmaneuver the government troops.
Hundreds of graphic photos of war crimes committed in the name of keeping the Asian subcontinent safe for democracy, the timeworn, long-ago abandoned rationale for the American war, have the power to turn visitors away.
At this point, defending America’s war aims is recognized as crude sophistry. Vast stores of government documents, starting with the Pentagon Papers released by Rand analyst Daniel Ellsberg to New York Times reporter Neil Sheehan, told the whole story in 1971. The American leadership’s pursuit of body counts, carpet bombing, the use of Agent Orange to contaminate vast ranges of the country, the nightmarish war crimes like My Lai and others tortured a nation and its people for two decades.

We visited the Cu Chi tunnels outside Saigon, a complex of caverns hundreds of miles long built by thousands of rural people, daytime rice farmers who became Viet Cong at night, to hide and move fighters, weapons, and provisions. I crawled through a 20-meter length of tunnel no more than three feet high. I felt the clammy, stifling sensation of dread those people felt, many for months and years as they fought and died up to the end.
And yet—on the grounds of the National Post Office, the government palace, and sidewalks around the city, thousands of young girls in beautiful traditional Vietnamese dresses pose with bright smiles for photos. Our hosts for these few days, the servers, hotel staff people, managers, store clerks, and tour personnel offer exquisite, scrupulously polite service to the American descendants of the G.I.s, and the G.Is. themselves who have come back.

They prove that time may not overcome horror but can assuage pain, as the countless European memorials to war’s cruelty have done. As hard as the government tries, the young grow up and move along in their futures and careers without the contrived Communist bitterness. Westerners, including American veterans who witnessed the nightmare, are welcomed. Tourist revenue has a huge role in the growing prosperity of this wounded place.
We stood in the line for Customs at Tan Son Nhut behind two tall, young, blond fellows. They said they were from Norway, here to spend four months backpacking around the Central Highlands, Hue, Da Nang, the once-wartorn, bloody places. Were they researching history, I asked. No, just backpacking, they answered. Here for the spectacular natural beauty, the mountain vistas, the joy of meeting the people.
So—the oldtimers may be struggling with their memories. They’ll soon pass from the scene. The young ones are coming, to help restart life, which is inevitable, as it should be.




