June 15, 2026
We picked up the grandsons and headed for I-40 and slipped through the western North Carolina peaks and the rebuilding of the Pigeon River overpasses. We passed Knoxville and headed into Midstate Tennessee, crossing the pretty Caney Fork River four times, possibly five.
The target was Mount Juliet in Wilson County, just east of Nashville and site of a reunion of the Harper family, which traces roots to an Irishman who as a teenager left the Old Sod in 1857 or 1858. While still a teenager he fought for the Confederates.

Michael Farrell mustered out at war’s end with no rack of medals or recognition. He managed to buy some land and got into farming. He married Bridget, they had ten children. Their kids had kids, and so on. Eventually, Harpers were and are found all over Tennessee. Sandy’s uncle Pete Harper lived to 95. He and his wife Elrose had six. Mike, the third son, organized the reunion.
Saying “yes” to the reunion conveyed not exactly a plan, more of a vague understanding that the trip was no family social drop-in. Inevitably, it was a pilgrimage into the past. Like other Southern places, Tennessee loves its history, revers it, luxuriates in the virtuous and the nightmarish. We stayed in Mount Juliet with Mike, a dedicated scholar, not only of the Harper family story, but also of the vast reach of history that leads us to understanding of our lives.
Mike revealed a sampling of hard truths, the mostly invisible, hardscrabble details of the lives of ordinary people of which history is composed. He showed me three books of a four-volume opus, The Tennessee Civil War Veterans Questionnaires which, strangely, he was able to buy on Amazon. It’s available for $50. The books, published in 1985, are a catalogue of answers to questionnaires sent to some 1,600 Tennesseans, obtained between 1915 and 1929 by two Tennessee State Library archivists.

Two forms of the questionnaire were distributed to these elderly gents, all in their seventies or eighties. The questions sought personal information, name, birthdate, birthplace, family background. They probe the mens’ (they’re all men) lives, like date and place of enlistment, details of service. The questions explore awareness of the war’s cause, the horror of slavery, whether the men owned slaves (very few) or knew slaveowners—again, very few.
Most, like Michael Farrell, were farmers, their fathers were farmers, their mothers and wives cooked, sewed, cleaned, cared for children, often five or six or more. They were low-ranking enlisted men who fought in many battles, suffered serious wounds. After the war most returned to farming, often to poverty.
The answers were unedited, rough and raw, showing a few years of school, sometimes a few months. One remarkable man attended the U.S. Naval Academy; when the war started he abandoned the Navy and enlisted with the rebels. Another said he himself had been a slave, he didn’t know his age or where he was born, but he knew where he had fought. Yes, the Confederates had black soldiers.

The books, the names in alphabetical order, draw excruciating detail about private lives in those tragic years, halting, pained commentaries written decades after the fighting ended.
The next day Mike finalized his reunion planning. He packed his detailed family-tree display boards, old photo albums and documents. He bought food, packed the gas grill and table coverings, made last-minute calls.
Sandy and I drove with the boys into the city and stopped at the veterans cemetery near Madison. We walked a bit and found the gravesites for Sandy’s mother and father, a Navy veteran, and older brother, who served three Vietnam tours and died young, his death attributed to Agent Orange exposure.
We parked near the State Capitol and climbed the dozens of steps to the entrance and got through security. The massive, somber, church-shaped building was quiet. The governor was absent. The rock-solid Republican legislature recessed after passing a “redistricting” measure that reshapes the state’s lone Black-majority 9th district in Memphis as a safe Republican district, pushing the state’s longtime Democratic congressman to retire.

The Capitol’s statuary recognizes the state’s warlike past. Outside, Andrew Jackson on his steed looms above the north view of the city. Nearby, World War I sharpshooter Audie Murphy aims his rifle at imaginary Germans. In the second-floor corridor, busts of Jackson, segregationist President Andrew Johnson, and Alamo hero Davey Crockett stare down at visitors.
The Capitol isn’t all about combat. The second floor displays a bust of Sampson W. Keeble, the first Black member of the General Assembly. Also shown: an engraving recognizing passage of the 19th Constitutional amendment, which establishes women’s suffrage. Another depicts Black men voting after passage of the 14th amendment, which guarantees citizenship to all persons born in or naturalized in the U.S, and the 15th, which guarantees the right to vote.
As in other places, history starts fights. In 1987 the Sons of the Confederacy demanded removal of a portrait of Governor William Brownlow, a one-time defender of slavery who changed his thinking and supported Reconstruction while in office (1865-1869). In 2021, over protests, a bust of Ku Klux Klan founder Nathan Bedford Forrest was moved to the Tennessee State Museum.
We climbed back down the outside stairs past the giant Jackson and Murphy statues. Their bold stories didn’t register with the 1,600 veterans who wrote their answers decades after their service.
Like other ordinary people across America who served in all of America’s wars, they fought and suffered. Books weren’t written about them. Their lives created histories, of the agony of war, in suffering, but also humility and dignity, stories that teach and inspire.











